Introduction

Johann Walther* [*Also spelled without the h.] is often referred to as the father of Lutheran church music. It was he who laid the foundation upon which Lutheran composers of later generations built their musical monuments. There is a direct kinship between the music written by these men and the music written by Johann Walther. This applies not only to the style but also to the spirit of their music. A careful study of the compositions of these composers soon reveals the fact that their music is usually spiritual rather than aesthetic; the niceties of Romantic music are often conspicuous by their absence. The music of these men was deeply religious; they frequently sought merely to present, not to interpret, the message of their religion, believing that interpretation is often unnecessary and unwanted. This impersonal and objective mode of writing music, as well as many other characteristics found in the music of Lutheran composers, may be traced back directly to Johann Walther, the father of Lutheran church music.

Walther was also the first cantor of Protestantism. The cantorates of Germany played a most important part in the early development of Lutheran music. Walther was the first Lutheran to hold the office of cantor, and the influence he exerted through this office was tremendous in scope and effect.

There is one more field of musical activity in which Walther was a pioneer: he was the first Protestant and the first German to write a Passion. The importance of this step can easily be realized when one considers that men like Heinrich Schuetz and Johann Sebastian Bach put their best efforts into the musical settings they wrote for the Passion of Our Lord.

Despite his importance in the field of church music, Walther does not enjoy the fame to which he is entitled. In the early editions of Hugo Riemann’s exhaustive Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, one does not even find his name. This may be due in part to the fact that Walther does not rank as a great composer, i.e., he is not in a class with our greater Lutheran masters.

Many today think of Walther largely as a composer of hymn tunes. Various hymn tunes have been attributed to him, e.g., "Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott" and "Aus tiefer Not schrei ich zu Dir."

However, it is very doubtful whether he wrote any hymn tunes at all. Careful research conducted by eminent hymnologists and musicologists has not unearthed a single hymn tune which may with certainty be ascribed to Johann Walther. In his own day Walther was regarded as a distinguished musician. Eminent musicians and poets are not, as a rule, eminent in the field of hymnology.[1] Walther has been regarded as a composer of hymn tunes, because some have erroneously concluded that he had written at least several of the thirty-six new hymn tunes which appeared in the various editions of his Geistliches Gesangbuechlein published between the years 1524 and 1551. Scholars of today are inclined to believe that he did not write new hymn tunes, but rather that he edited and arranged hymns of Reformation and pre-Reformation times so that they could be used in the Lutheran service. These arrangements were prepared for choirs, not for the congregation. His Geistliches Gesangbuechlein is not a Choralbuch, as some believe, but a collection of chorales arranged for the choirs of the Lutheran Church. Walther arranged chorales as other contrapuntal composers of his time and earlier days had arranged Gregorian music. These endeavors in no wise justify the belief of those who regard Walther as a composer of hymn tunes. Walther must, however, be regarded not only as an editor, but also as a composer of the Lutheran Church.

Walther’s Early Life and Endeavors

Johann Walther was born in the year 1496 in Grosspuerchuetz, a village near Jena, Germany. His father, whose name likewise was Johann Walther, was a prosperous peasant who enjoyed a good reputation in his community. Many of Walther’s relatives, from his father’s as well as from his mother’s side, were peasants, and one cannot help but note that, while many of the more eminent men of the Renaissance Movement were sons of prosperous businessmen, the men of the Reformation Movement were largely peasants. George Rhau, a prominent musician, editor, and publisher of the early Lutheran Church, was the son of a peasant; and Luther once boasted: "My father, grandfather, and all other ancestors were genuine peasants."[2] Although we know that Walther attended the school in Kahla[3] in his early youth, yet we know very little concerning his early life. Neither is it known where he received his musical education. Various claims have been made, but no one has been able to substantiate them. Through the influence of Konrad Rupff (also called "Rumsch") Walther became a member of the Hofkapelle of Frederick the Wise in the year 1517, the year in which Martin Luther nailed his ninety-five theses to the door of the Castle Church in Wittenberg. Frederick the Wise had organized this Hofkapelle c. 1490 and had modeled it after the foremost Hofkapellen of Europe, particularly after that of Emperor Maximilian, which was the most famous of that period. In order to maintain the highest standards possible, Frederick had engaged such men as Adam of Fulda (1446–1506) and Heinrich Isaac (1450–1517) for his organization. The Elector did not hesitate to expend large sums of money in order to maintain a first-class Hofkapelle, and the group presented compositions by such masters as Arcadelt, Willaert, Morales, Josquin Després, Okeghem, Obrecht, and others. Through the influence of Frederick the Wise, Martin Luther, and Johann Walther, the members of the early Lutheran Church were exposed to the very best church music available and the thought of using inferior music to glorify God and edify man never occurred to these farseeing leaders of the Church. Rupff had been connected with the Hofkapelle before Walther; in 1524 he accompanied Walther to Wittenberg in order to help Luther prepare his Deutsche Messe. Some believe that Walther received much of his musical training from Rupff. As a member of the Hofkapelle, of which Rupff was the musical director, Walther sang bass.

In the later years of Frederick’s life Rupff sympathized and sided in with the iconoclasts Thomas Muenzer and Carlstadt. For this reason, as well as for others, Frederick’s love for his Hofkapelle waxed somewhat cold, and he began to neglect the organization which he at one time had loved most ardently. However, his brother John the Steadfast and his nephew Frederick then took it upon themselves to look after its welfare.

By 1524 Walther had established quite a reputation for himself. Not only was he a bass in the Hofkapelle, but he was also the official composer in Frederick’s Kantorei, having been elected to this office to succeed Adam Rener. During the 16th and 17th centuries a composer at a court was next in rank to the musical director (Kapellmeister). Besides composing music for the Hofkapelle, it was the duty of the composer to assist the Kapellmeister in arranging the music, to copy the music for the choir, and, if he did not copy the music himself, to see to it that well-qualified boys connected with the Hofkapelle would copy it.

In 1524 Walther published his famous Geistliches Gesangbuechlein in Wittenberg. During this same year four hymnals appeared among the Lutherans. The first of these was undoubtedly the Achtliederbuch, published by Jobst Gutknecht in Nuremberg. This was followed by two Enchiridia of Erfurt, edited very likely by Johann Eberlin of Guensberg. Walther’s Geystliche gesangk Buchleyn, which was published late in the summer, was quite independent of its three predecessors; it was the first collection to appear in Lutheran circles for which the music was selected and arranged systematically. It was edited with the co-operation of Martin Luther, who wrote the Foreword. The book served as a model for practically all subsequent collections of music prepared for the Lutheran Church of that era. It contained thirty-eight settings of thirty German hymns. Twenty-three of the hymns were by Martin Luther. In addition there were also settings of five Latin hymns in the collection. The arrangements were for from three to five voices, the tenor singing the cantus firmus. Just as Gregorian music served as the cantus firmus in the music of the hierarchical Roman Catholic Church, so the chorale, the musical symbol of Lutheranism for the doctrine of the royal priesthood of all believers, served as the cantus firmus in the music of the Lutheran Church. The cantus firmus of the Roman Catholic Church was the chant music of its clergy, the cantus firmus of the Lutheran Church were the hymns of its entire membership, clergy as well as laity. This is evident already in the music prepared by Johann Walther, the father of Lutheran church music, the co-worker of Martin Luther.

Walther’s Geistliches Gesangbuechlein was intended not only for use in the church service, but also for use in the home. Here, too, is evidence of the fruitfulness of the doctrine of the universal priesthood, which made of the Christian home a sanctuary and a chancel. Luther and Walther tried hard to encourage the people to sing part-music in their homes, and Luther himself set a good example in this respect by having much singing of this kind in his own home. His Christmas chorale "Vom Himmel hoch" was written for his family circle, and it likely never occurred to Luther that this fine hymn would soon find its way into Lutheran services of worship. Walther’s book experienced five editions during his life (1524, 1525, 1537, 1544, 1551), each new edition an improvement over its predecessor.

Walther’s Geistliches Gesangbuechlein impressed Martin Luther so favorably that he invited Walther, who was then only twenty-eight years old, to his home in Wittenberg for an extended and purposeful visit. Konrad Rupff was likewise invited to be present. The visit took place at the beginning of October, 1524, and lasted three weeks. Luther had been working on his German Mass (Deutsche Messe) for some time and wanted to discuss parts of the same with these two men. Realizing the importance and far-reaching consequences this work would have, Luther wanted to make sure that what he had written was correct and simple. He leaned quite heavily on Gregorian music, as was to be expected, but simplified it as much as possible, leaving out practically all ornamentation and giving each syllable only one note. His syllabic settings had much in common with those prepared later by John Merbecke (1523–1585) for the Anglican Church. Luther was unquestionably of the opinion that elaborate settings of Gregorian chant would not be used by the average clergyman. Though less artistic and less beautiful than melismatic chant, the syllabic settings are better suited to the ability of the average clergyman.[4] Luther wished to discuss particularly his settings of the Sanctus and the Verba with Walther and Ruff.[5] He sang for them the settings he had arranged and then asked the two experts to express their misgivings or offer improvements. Walther was asked to take a copy of these settings to Torgau that he might examine them more closely at home and also prepare a copy for Elector Frederick in order to obtain his approval. During the three weeks’ visit in Wittenberg, Luther, Walther, and Rupff devoted much time to discussions of the characteristics of mediaeval modes, church hymns, and music in general; Luther also submitted some of his chorale tunes for improvement.[6] The great Reformer clearly had high regard for Johann Walther.

Great changes occurred in Wittenberg c. 1525. Bugenhagen and Jonas, after seeking the advice of Luther, introduced many changes in the church service. Luther’s Deutsche Messe, it must be remembered, did not appear until 1526. Luther had prepared a special Christmas liturgy in 1524, and in the fall of 1525 another new liturgy was introduced. The liturgy of 1524 called for the use of German hymns which Luther had recommended. Latin hymns were likewise used. Introducing the singing of hymns into the Lutheran service was in itself already a radical departure from the liturgical practices of the Roman Catholic Church, which left no room and made no provisions for the singing of hymns in the Mass.

Unfortunately the Hofkapelle at Torgau and the choir of the Castle Church in Wittenberg suffered neglect at this time. The Elector may have been so preoccupied with certain heavy duties imposed on him by the Reformation movement that he neglected the arts in order to help espouse and advance the Lutheran movement. Luther was hardly to be blamed for the eventual disintegration of the Hofkapelle and of the choir of the Castle Church, for he later expressed his regrets over the fact that the musical standards were not sufficiently high in Wittenberg. What is more, he was very fond of the choral music written by Després, Senfl, and others.

In the midst of all these changes and activities, on May 5, 1525, Elector Frederick the Wise died. His brother, John the Steadfast, took his place. John almost immediately disbanded the Hofkapelle at Torgau and the choir of the Castle Church in Wittenberg. It is possible that he had been influenced by the iconoclasts Muenzer and Carlstadt.[7] He may have thought that worshiping God through music was distinctly Roman Catholic and that it was the duty of the Church only to preach the Gospel. Some iconoclasts were of this opinion. John did say that he regarded the expenses involved for the upkeep of a Hofkapelle as sheer waste of money and that he believed the money could be used to better advantage. A precedent had been established by Charles V, who had disbanded the famous Hofkapelle of Emperor Maximilian in 1519, shortly after the death of Maximilian. Many members of this internationally famous organization, including Ludwig Senfl, were thus deprived of their livelihood and only source of income. However, while in Augsburg in 1520, Senfl received a gift of fifty Gulden from Emperor Charles V.

After John had disbanded the Torgauer Hofkapelle, Walther turned to Luther and Melanchthon for help; these two men, together with Georg Spalatin, appealed to the Elector on behalf of those who had so promptly been dismissed, particularly on behalf of Johann Walther. In their letter to the Elector, Luther and Melanchthon pointed out that the Church needed composers as well as music, that it was unwise to stop the noble and effective efforts of men who had trained themselves for, and were devoting their lives to, the advancement of good spiritual music. By thwarting and putting to naught the efforts of such men, vulgar and cheap music would be permitted to hold full sway in the lives of the people. This letter was written on June 20. Two days later the Elector sent a reply to Luther which showed that he was not to be persuaded very easily. The Elector insisted not only that maintaining such a group of musicians was waste of money, but he likewise stated that these musicians wasted a great deal of time and developed the habit of loafing.

In the very midst of all these difficulties, on June 26, 1526, Johann Walther married Anna Hesse (1500–1571), the daughter of Hans Hesse (d. 1517), who had been the blacksmith of Elector Frederick the Wise. Since it seemed rather hopeless to change the mind of Elector John, Walther offered his services to Duke Albrecht of Brandenburg. But the unexpected happened; Elector John, on December 8, 1527, granted Walther a subsidy of twenty-five Gulden, which he was to receive annually until the end of his life, "since this man Walther is hardly fit for any other type of work."[8] Other worthy members of the Hofkapelle were likewise granted a subsidy, while those who were able to do other work were assigned to convenient positions.

Walther Is Appointed Cantor at Torgau

In the 14th and 15th centuries certain guilds prospered in Germany which were known as Kalenden, or calends. This name was chosen because the members met regularly on the first day of each month for the purpose of conducting memorial services in honor of their departed members. These calends were very popular among the people, for by joining them the people were assured of elaborate wedding and funeral services and ceremonies. The calends played a very important part in the musical developments of Germany. They cultivated and encouraged the use of good church music and helped develop high musical standards in not a few communities and parishes. Frederick the Wise and his brother John the Steadfast helped support various calends, particularly the one in Torgau. During his lifetime, just as he was about to make a journey to the Holy Land, Frederick organized a Kapelle for the chapel of St. Martin in the castle of Hartenfels in Torgau. This Kapelle consisted of four priests, ten choristers, and an organist. While this organization was dissolved through the decision of John the Steadfast, two other similar institutions continued to exist, one under the patronage of the city of Torgau, the other under the patronage of private individuals. Both of the existing institutions served the newly built church and school of Torgau, and part of the expense was borne by the calend of Torgau, into whose treasury Elector John the Steadfast put the sum of one hundred Gulden each year. Thus the members of the Torgau calend saved the situation for their city and prevented the dissolution of the Hofkapelle from robbing them of their musical heritage.

The change made in Torgau proved to be of the utmost importance in the development of Lutheran church music, and it would perhaps not be amiss to state that the decision made by John the Steadfast proved to be a blessing in disguise. Through his decision John abrogated the existence of an organization which served the court (the Hofkapelle) and unwittingly brought into existence an institution which served the Church, namely the Kantorei. Torgau thus became the first city of Germany to establish a cantorate. The Kantoreien helped put an end to the existence of the calends, many of which had become thoroughly corrupt and worldly, and soon became a power which gave real impetus to the advancement of Lutheran church music. They accomplished far more than the calends could ever have hoped to realize. Since they were invariably connected not only with a church, but also with a school, they were able to present music on a much higher scale than any other institution of the Church. The members of these choirs were available for as many rehearsals as the cantor would choose to conduct, and the artistry of such groups, as the Thomanerchor of Leipzig and the Kreuzchor of Dresden in our day, proves the importance of a move which brought about the existence of the Kantorei within the Church.

The school with which the first cantorate of Germany was linked was the municipally controlled Latin School (Lateinschule) of Torgau. This school became a famous institution largely through the influence of M. Petrus Plateanus of Zwickau, who revolutionized the entire school system of Saxony during the second quarter of the 16th century. Plateanus was well acquainted with the fine system used in the schools of the Netherlands at that time and applied in the schools of Saxony many policies and practices of these neighbors of Germany. The school at Zwickau shared the fame of the Torgau school, and both institutions emphasized the study of the humanities from a Lutheran point of view.

In 1524 Luther had written his famous tract To the Councilmen of All Cities in German Lands, that They Erect and Maintain Christian Schools.[9] In this tract Luther stressed also the importance of music and said: "I speak for myself; if I had children and found it within my power to do so, I would insist that they study not only languages and history, but also learn to sing and become acquainted with music and the entire field of mathematics."[10] On another occasion he said: "We must of necessity retain the study of music in our schools. A teacher must be able to sing, otherwise I will not look at him."[11] The tract to the councilmen exerted a great influence on the German people and on the shaping of certain of their educational policies.

When the people of Torgau, having undoubtedly come under the influence of Luther’s tract, established a cantorate in their city, they immediately called upon Johann Walther to be their Kantor. Walther accepted the offer and thus became the first cantor of Germany. He had lived and worked in Torgau before, while assisting Konrad Rupff as composer of the Hofkapelle; he evidently had enjoyed his work and was happy to return. The people of Torgau had likewise learned to know and appreciate Walther, and the very fact that they called on him to be their cantor manifests their esteem and respect for him and his accomplishments. When Walther took up his new work at Torgau, he was only municipal cantor. In 1534, however, the city council, in order to find a way to increase his salary, appointed Walther also as cantor of their Lateinschule. In this capacity he taught at first not only music, but also religion and Latin. The school was at that time attended by one hundred and seventy boys. Walther established himself quite well in Torgau, purchased a house at the price of 154 Gulden in the year 1532, and thus acquired the rights of citizenship. He now quite proudly referred to himself as "Citizen of Torgau and Cantor of its Kantorei."[12]

The enrollment of the Torgauer Lateinschule advanced considerably after Walther had become a member of its faculty; in 1545 it became necessary to restrict the size of the student body to four hundred. The standards in music advanced rapidly, and Walther was a highly respected musician, teacher, and administrator. He was eventually relieved of all other responsibilities at the school and devoted his full time to teaching music and to the administration of his music department. It was Walther’s duty to supply music for three churches, for the castle church (chapel) and for the two churches in Torgau proper. Provisions were enacted that others take his place when he would be incapacitated by illness or old age.

Shortly after Johann Walther had begun his activities in Torgau as cantor, John the Steadfast died (1532). His place was taken by Elector John Frederick, who served as Elector of Saxony for ten years. John the Steadfast has been called "the last knight of Saxony"; his successors did not inherit the greatness of their eminent predecessors. It was partly for this reason that the followers of Martin Luther now encountered difficulties which had been unknown to them before the death of John the Steadfast.

Luther was aware that Walther was accomplishing great things in Torgau. After he had held visitation of the churches in Torgau in 1534, he could not but express his joy over the fact "that God Almighty had blessed this city of Torgau above many others with fine music and an excellent Kantorei."[13] Some claim that Walther’s appointment to the cantorate at the Latin School was achieved through a suggestion made to this effect by Luther. In a letter addressed to the Elector of Saxony in 1541, Luther lamented the fact that Wittenberg presented and offered nothing worth while in the field of music. Luther wrote at the time: "We have at present great need for a musician in Wittenberg. For a time we were supplied from the papacy. The time has now arrived that we educate our own musicians; we are in need of such an educator (in Wittenberg)."[14]

Although scholars are today agreed that Martin Luther possessed a sufficient amount of musical talent and training to compose not only simple hymns, but also excellent chants and other music,[15] Luther never attempted to offer courses in church music. His letter of 1541, addressed to the Elector, shows conclusively that he was of the opinion that courses in church music should be offered by musicians who have been trained for such work. Luther was sufficiently aware of the importance of music in life to send his son Hans to the Torgauer Lateinschule in 1542 that he might there study also music. Hans was to study music under the supervision of Johann Walther, and the following words, written to Markus Crodel, superintendent of the Torgau School, in a letter dated August 26, 1542, are significant: "Farewell in the Lord, wish Johann Walther well for me and ask him to provide my son with instruction in music. I indeed must develop theologians, but I desire that also grammarians and musicians be trained among our people."[16] Luther’s interest in the school at Torgau was based not only on its musical accomplishments, but above all on the fact that it was fortifying and establishing its students in their Christian faith. While academic subjects and cultural courses were offered, while also the school gained an enviable reputation because of these offerings, yet the primary and highest purpose of the school was to make of these boys real Christian men. Music was regarded a worthy and useful means for accomplishing this end. Walther was obligated to bear this in mind. As cantor he had many opportunities to strengthen his pupils in their Christianity. That he availed himself of these need not be doubted, for Walther is known to have taken his religion very seriously.

Walther’s duties as cantor of the municipal Kantorei of Torgau, however, were more comprehensive than those at the Latin School. The civic group stressed the social values which may be gained from the cultivation of music, as may be seen from the Sundry Articles Prepared for the City Council of Torgau of March 22, 1534.[17] A study of the personnel of the group reveals how its musical activities brought together people of various stations of life; in the cantorate we find clergymen, teachers (including Markus Crodel, superintendent of the Lateinschule), merchants, artists, and artisans. When members of the cantorate were in need, they were given aid. When they entered the estate of holy matrimony or when they died, music was furnished for the occasion. These customs undoubtedly reflect the influence of the calends.

October 5, 1544, was a day long to be remembered by the people of Torgau. On that day the new chapel of the castle Hartenfels was dedicated. It was the first church building erected by Lutherans. For this noteworthy occasion Luther himself preached the sermon; Walther composed a seven-part motet for the occasion, which was sung by members of the Torgau Kantorei. The composition was a motet of homage, dedicated to Luther, Melanchthon, and Elector John Frederick the Magnanimous of Saxony. Georg Rhau of Wittenberg published this motet, which is very much like one written by Josquin Deprés.

A perusal of the repertoire of the municipal Kantorei at Torgau will prove interesting. Johann Walther’s Geistliches Gesangbuechlein naturally occupied quite a prominent place in the library of the Kantorei. Four editions of this famous collection appeared before Walther left Torgau for Dresden. As stated previously, the collection was intended for choirs. The first edition contained thirty-eight German and Latin compositions. As new editions came out, the proportion of Latin compositions grew; the fifth edition contained seventy-eight German and forty-seven Latin compositions. The repertoire included also Walther’s Passion According to St. Matthew, the first German Passion ever written. Walther’s Luther-Codex of 1545, a collection (copied by hand) of twenty-four German and one hundred fifteen Latin compositions, was also used. This interesting collection included compositions by Josquin Després, Adam Rener, Johannes Prioris, Pierre de la Rue, Antoine de Fevin, Ludwig Senfl, and many others. The well-known Gothaer Cantional of 1545, a collection of forty-two German and sixty-nine Latin compositions, a Magnificat collection of 1557, and a printed edition of Christlich Kinderlied D. Martini Lutheri: Erhalt uns, Herr, of 1566 with eighteen German and three Latin compositions were likewise used by the Torgauer Kantorei. In 1540 Georg Rhau dedicated a collection of ten four-part masses to the Torgau Kantorei; it is not surprising that this collection was in the library. Finally we find that Rhau’s large collection, bearing the title Neue geistliche Gesaenge . . . fuer die gemeinen Schulen (Wittenberg, 1544), was also used at Torgau. The repertoire, therefore, consisted not only of compositions written in Walther’s conservative style, but also of compositions of a freer type as, for example, those written by Després, Senfl, and others of the Netherland School.

The records of the Kantorei of the Lateinschule reveal that some outstanding men studied there under the tutelage of Johann Walther. Among these we find the fathers of Leonhard Schroerer and Michael Praetorius, Martin Luther’s son Hans, and Georg Otto, the teacher of Heinrich Schuetz. Some years later, as Landgrave Maurice of Hesse tried to persuade Heinrich Schuetz to come to his court to serve as Kapellmeister, he stated that a musician, in order to have a good rating, almost had to be a product of the Torgau School. Although Schuetz himself had not lived and studied in Torgau, the very fact that his teacher had been one of its products was regarded as sufficient evidence of the adequacy of Schuetz’s training. The school at Torgau and also the municipal Kantorei of this city were famous throughout Germany, and its students were recruited from many parts of the nation.

After Walther, by dint of hard labor, had established high standards in Torgau, difficulties set in which made life and work very difficult for him there. They arose particularly after 1546, the year of Luther’s death. Walther and Luther had been rather good friends, and Walther had learned to lean quite heavily on Luther. What is more, strife came into the Lutheran Church; the liberal element within the Church, under the leadership of Melanchthon, gained control of the University of Wittenberg, and the conservative element chose to retreat to the University of Jena. The Council of Trent, which began to assemble in 1545, refused to admit that the Roman Catholic Church had erred and thus made reconciliation with the Lutherans impossible. Had not the spirit of Lutheran faith and conviction already entered into the lives of the common people, the Reformation might have been lost at this time.

Political conditions also developed which proved to be harmful to the Lutheran cause. In 1547 Charles V carried out the wish of the Pope and put down "the Lutheran heretics" in Germany. Wars broke out between the Roman Catholics, under the leadership of Charles V, and the Lutherans, who were united in the Smalcald League. Maurice, the Duke of Saxony, betrayed the Lutherans politically, declared himself for Charles V against his coreligionists, and took possession of Electoral Saxony, which belonged to his cousin, John Frederick. In the spring of 1547 Charles V defeated John Frederick at Muehlberg and took him prisoner. Charles now showed his hatred for Lutheranism by appointing the fierce and vicious Duke of Alba president of a court which tried John Frederick and condemned him to death. The princes of Germany protested so violently against this sentence that it was not carried out, but John Frederick was compelled to give up to the treacherous Maurice the title of Elector and all his electoral territory. John Frederick steadfastly refused to subscribe to the decrees of the Council of Trent and remained firm in his Lutheran faith during the five years of imprisonment which followed.

Walther had followed these developments closely and had also, together with other citizens of Torgau, lent money to Elector John Frederick in order to help the Lutheran cause along. However, now that the whole matter had taken such an unfortunate turn, Walther became very much discouraged and was anxious to leave Torgau. Nevertheless, he at the same time obeyed them that had the rule over him and conducted himself as a dutiful and obedient citizen.

Largely through the influence of Charles V, much Dutch music was brought into Saxony. Dutch musicians were likewise imported. This made it difficult for Walther to perpetuate some of the standards he had sought to establish. Many of these Dutch musicians did not fit into Walther’s surroundings and caused much dissension in the circles into which they entered.

Another serious difficulty presented itself. A highly talented musician by the name of Adrian Petit Coclicus, a former pupil of Josquin Després, sought the position as professor of music at the University of Wittenberg. His occupying this chair would naturally have robbed Walther of much hard-earned prestige in Saxony. Coclicus, who had become a Protestant, wrote a Song of Homage, which he dedicated to the treacherous Elector Maurice, hoping thereby to gain his good will. Coclicus, however, had a bad record, and the Elector was not able to grant him his wish despite the many recommendations Coclicus had brought with him. Walther’s successor in Torgau, Michael Vogt, who had been a pupil of Coclicus, went to Walther for further instruction in music after discontinuing his work with Coclicus. This must have afforded Walther some satisfaction. It was Michael Vogt who published a collection of five- and six-part masses written by such masters as Lupus Hellingk and Matthaeus Le Maistre, which was used extensively in Torgau after the departure of Walther. The influence exerted by such musicians as Le Maistre, Despres, and Hellingk was wholesome for the music of Saxony, for it infused into Saxon music a vitality which was sadly lacking also in the music written by Walther. Had the Netherland composers not introduced these refreshing elements, it is doubtful whether Saxon music written in the first half of the sixteenth century would have survived. As it was, it became the foundation for the music of Michael Praetorius, Hans Leo Hassler, Johann Sebastian Bach, and others.

Walther’s Activities in Dresden and His Return to Torgau

Shortly after Maurice had taken over the position of Elector of Saxony, he decided to establish his residence in Dresden. He likewise decided to have a Hofkapelle for his Albertine court. While at the court in Torgau from 1537 to 1539, he had become well acquainted with the activities and abilities of Johann Walther. Having perhaps heard that a change of residence, activity, and environment would do Walther much good, Elector Maurice in 1548 decided to ask Walther to organize a Hofkapelle for him in Dresden. Melanchthon had encouraged Maurice to offer this office to Walther, who accepted and thus again became a court musician.

A call soon went out to various parts of Germany, urging capable men and boys to become candidates for membership in the Dresden Hofkapelle. The invitation was sent also to the students at the universities of Leipzig and Wittenberg. It is known that the appeal was read in the Latin language to the students at the University of Wittenberg on the 19th of August by Caspar Cruciger, rector of the university. A large number of candidates applied; nineteen were finally chosen as probationers for a period of six months. Ten of these nineteen singers were adults; nine were boys (sopranos, descanters). One of the adult members of the Kapelle, who possessed the necessary training and education, was given the office of preceptor for the nine boys in order that their education might not be neglected. The members of the Hofkapelle were required to pledge obedience, reverence, Christian decorum, attendance at all regular and special rehearsals. Two boys were appointed periodically to read portions from the German and Latin editions of the Bible in the chapel exercises conducted especially for the young boys. Rehearsals lasting an hour were held each day, and Walther was granted the privilege of having as many rehearsals as he chose. The members of the Hofkapelle were garbed in black vestments and received one new court garment each year. On the right sleeve of each vestment, near the shoulder, the motto of Saxony was stitched with golden threads. This consisted in the words Verbum Dei Manet in Aeternum (The Word of the Lord endureth forever). On the vestments the motto was abbreviated thus: VDMIA. The Kapellmeister as well as the organist received two garments each year. The boys lived in the home of the Kapellmeister, who was responsible for their welfare, fed them, and, among other things, gave each of the boys a container filled with beer each night; this was the Schlaftrunk, which was to help the boys fall asleep. The Kapellmeister and the instructor of the boys each received an annual salary of forty Gulden. The salary of the organist was thirty Gulden, and each of the adult singers received twenty-four Gulden. They, too, were granted a portion of beer each night. The Kapellmeister and the instructor, besides receiving daily a jug filled with beer, also received daily a container filled with wine from the wine cellar of the Elector. Stipulated amounts were granted the Kapellmeister for the sustenance of the boys he housed and fed in his home, and the Kapellmeister rendered a detailed account of the needs of the boys with regard to clothing, textbooks, paper, ink, soap, and the like. Having such close contact with their superiors naturally left its impression on these boys and also advanced them musically. According to all indications, conditions at Dresden were almost ideal for Walther during his service under Elector Maurice. The work was well regulated and obviously the Elector had great confidence in his chief musician.

Elector Maurice died in the year 1553 and his brother August became his successor. Since the new Elector wanted to expand and enlarge his Hofkapelle, Walther, who was growing old, believed it would be better to transfer the office of cantor to someone younger than himself, though he had been an incumbent of this office for only six years. Asking at the same time for a pension, Walther resigned on August 7, 1554. His successor was Matthaeus Le Maistre, a famous and very capable Flemish (Belgian) musician of that period, whose services the Elector procured through an agent at the rather high salary of 240 Gulden per year. Walther was granted a pension of sixty Gulden per year, an increase of fifty per cent over the salary he had received.

Le Maistre abandoned his Roman Catholic faith shortly after his arrival in Dresden and became a Lutheran. He did not throw overboard the customs and traditions which Walther had established at the court of Maurice. Neither did Le Maistre do violence to the type of music Walther had sought to foster; on the contrary, he was very conservative and evidently respected Walther highly. He even fostered the style Walther had used and applied many of its characteristics to his own compositions. Thus we find that he usually used a cantus firmus in his compositions; he often doubled this cantus firmus by having two voices sing it canonically. But Le Maistre was not a mere imitator; he often went several steps farther than Johann Walther had gone. He was a typical Flemish master and quite naturally applied much of what he had learned from other Netherland composers. There is, consequently, more freshness in his compositions than in the compositions of Walther. Le Maistre had probably learned also from Goudimel. He often assigned his cantus firmus to the sopranos; this practice is said to have developed largely among the followers of Calvin and Zwingli and was later adopted by Lukas Osiander and practically all later Lutheran composers.[18] Le Maistre may well be called the transition composer between Johann Walther and Sixt Dietrich on the one hand and Hans Leo Hassler, Michael Praetorius and others on the other.

Although Le Maistre earnestly endeavored to perpetuate the ideals Walther had sought to establish at Dresden, developments took a turn which disappointed Walther. Much foreign music was introduced at Dresden, foreign musicians were imported (notably from Italy and the Netherlands), and Le Maistre was soon forced to realize that a Hofkapellmeister could not work with the independence which a cantor enjoyed; several generations later even Bach was obliged to cater to the tastes of the Weimar court and prepare for performance much of the music of Vivaldi and other Italian composers. Elector August encountered heavy expenses by importing foreign musicians for the Dresden court. Many remained but a short time, notably among the boys, who often became homesick and yearned to return to their homes in Italy and the Netherlands. In addition, Le Maistre frequently experienced that the voices of some would change shortly after their arrival in Dresden.

There were also other unexpected difficulties. Some of the Dutch members of the Hofkapelle were not at all willing to learn the German language and it became necessary to exert some pressure in order to remedy this. What is more, a large percentage of the Italians and Netherlanders were Roman Catholics, and forcing Lutherans and Roman Catholics to live and work together was bound to cause not only heated discussions and dissension, but even serious outbreaks and trouble, especially in the 16th century. Under Walther’s regime there had been tranquillity and peace, since all were of the same race and faith, but Le Maistre had a much more difficult task to perform than did Walther in order to promote his work. On many occasions conditions must have been quite trying. In order to make them more pleasant and agreeable, arrangements were made which obligated Le Maistre to house only those boys who had come from the Netherlands; the others (12) lived with the preceptor. Arrangements were also made that boys connected with the Hofkapelle could attend the schools at Schulpforta, Meissen, or Grimma while their voices were changing, naturally with the provision that they return to the Hofkapelle at Dresden. Others, whose class records warranted the privilege, were permitted to attend either the University of Wittenberg or the University of Leipzig for a period of two or three years. They were granted a subsidy of twenty-five Gulden per year, but were obligated to return to their work at Dresden after they had completed their courses at the university.

In the year 1556 forty-seven musicians furnished the music for the Saxon court. Ten of these were instrumentalists who formed an orchestra while the others formed the choral group. All members of the orchestra were Italians; the choral group included also three organists. Among the names of Italians we find those of Antonio and Angelo Scandello. Antonio Scandello succeeded Le Maistre as Kapellmeister in 1568. He, too, became a Lutheran. His compositions show German as well as Italian leanings. He and Le Maistre are today regarded as Lutheran composers. Both treated the chorale successfully; however, Scandello’s idiom is more fluent and polyphonic than that of Le Maistre, many of whose compositions are quite homophonic in character.

As soon as Elector August began to make radical changes in order to expand the work of his Kapelle, Johann Walther felt quite out of place in Dresden. He was not the type of person who could adapt himself readily to radical changes. His age may in part have been responsible for this. He had harbored the fond hope of putting music into the hands of the common people, as he had done while municipal cantor in Torgau. Elector August, however, thought only of his court and the Hofkapelle. Instead of taking his own German people into the Hofkapelle, he imported musicians from Italy and the Netherlands; instead of giving music to his people, he reserved it for himself and for his friends. This was hardly in keeping with the hopes and aims of Martin Luther and others identified with the Reformation in Germany. What is more, the tactics of the Elector brought instrumental music not only into Saxony, but also into the churches. In itself this was not to be deplored but, unfortunately, it brought much secular music into the church services. Another outcome of the practices of Elector August was that musicians were no longer interested in serving the Church; their ambition was to serve at court, where the remuneration was more gratifying than in the Church. The foreign musicians who had been imported by the Elector often had no appreciation for what is appropriate in a church service, and when called upon to perform in a church, they would often render music which was unworthy and unsuitable. These unfortunate developments ran counter to the high and devout principles of Johann Walther, whose greatest aim in life had been to serve his Church and educate the people. His heart was not in the cultivation of music at the court, though he realized fully what a fine influence it could and should wield also there. Walther did not fit into the Dresden surroundings any longer.

In 1554 Walther returned to Torgau, where he still owned a home. Here he hoped to live a calm and peaceful life. But conditions had changed considerably in Torgau during the time of his residence in Dresden. While serving as cantor in Torgau he had won the friendship and esteem of many people. After John Frederick had lost Saxony and had been cast into prison, practically all the people who had been at his court left Torgau and took up residence in Weimar. The Augsburg Interim and its successor, the Leipzig Interim, had made life unbearable particularly for Lutheran clergymen in Saxony. Gabriel Zwilling (Didymus), a pastor in Torgau, and Michael Schulteis, the father of Michael Praetorius, both intimate friends of Walther, were removed from office. Here and there individuals remained true to their Lutheran principles and lived as exules Christi, exiles of Christ, as they called themselves. Walther associated with them after his return to Torgau, but nevertheless felt quite lost and forsaken. He was asked to write an epitaphical mass in honor of Elector Maurice, but shirked this duty, perhaps because he was not in the mood to compose, perhaps, too, because he had developed feelings of strong prejudice against Maurice, whom the Lutherans called "Judas," because he had betrayed them, and whom the Roman Catholics, too, despised, because he later had been unfaithful to Charles V in order to regain the favor of the Lutherans. Walther asked Antonio Scandello to write the mass. We have not a single composition from Walther’s pen which was dedicated to a member of the Albertine nobility. He did, however, write an epitaph in honor of John Frederick, who had died in 1554, which he turned over to the sons of the born prince, together with a collection of eight Magnificats, one for each of the eight psalm tones. This collection was published in 1557.

Although Walther was no theologian, he fought openly against liberal Lutheranism and crypto-Calvinism. The city council of Torgau felt that Walther carried matters too far and forbade him to attempt "to reform the church and the pastors and to exert any influence over them, in order that rebellious rioting or some other offense might not result therefrom; for neither the Church nor the members of the clergy"[19] are entrusted to his care.

Influences were at work in Torgau to suppress the use of figurate music. Certain people, particularly a certain Caspar Heydenreich, did not approve of four- and five-part music, claiming that it was Roman Catholic in its very makeup; they maintained at the same time that only unison music is characteristically Lutheran. The city council was rather worried about this development, but Walther fought it openly, quoting Luther as much as possible, for he knew that he could thus squelch these fanatics most effectively.

In the year 1566 Walther published his last collection of music. It contained eighteen German and two Latin compositions. The title was: Doctor Martin Luther’s Christian Hymn for Children, "Lord, Keep Us Steadfast in Thy Word," Augmented by Several Beautiful Christian Texts, Latin and German Songs.[20] The collection was dedicated to Duke Johann Wilhelm of Saxony.

Walther was now an old man (70). After his return to Torgau he still, it seems, took an active part in conducting the work of the two Torgau cantorates. Because of his age, and moreover, also for the reason that his compositions, as well as many of his principles with regard to the development of church music, no longer fit into existing conditions, Walther’s activities were restricted to the presentation of music in the chapel of the castle at Torgau. The Elector took a kindly attitude towards Walther, knowing that he had contributed much to the development of music in Saxony. There were not a few people in Saxony, including many of his former students, who took a sympathetic attitude toward him. But Walther’s day had begun to wane. Michael Praetorius’ Verba des alten Johann Walthers (Words of the Old Johann Walther) give us reason to believe that Walther must have written memoirs of his career during his last days. The exact date of his death is not known, but it is believed that he died in Torgau on March 25, 1570. His grave has not been preserved, but his gravestone has been found with the following simple inscription: "Natus 1496, denatus 1570." His wife died a year later, May 23, 1571. No portrait of Walther is known to be in existence today. It is believed that Cranach made several of him and that one of these still existed in the 18th century.

Analysis and Critique of Johann Walther’s Principles, Views, and Style

It would be impossible to arrive at a fair and correct estimate of the accomplishments of Johann Walther without studying them more in detail. In order to appreciate fully what Walther accomplished, one must understand what he did and what his aims were. To understand and to appreciate him does not necessarily mean to agree with him at all times. However, fully understanding those with whom we are at variance will, ordinarily, prevent us from arriving at hasty and unfair conclusions.

Johann Walther was a pioneer in the real sense of the word. As a pioneer he took steps which we in our day would not take. As a pioneer he did things in a manner different from the practices of our day. As a pioneer he resorted to policies, tactics, and means other than those of a more advanced stage of development.

Walther lived and functioned at a time and under conditions which nurtured an outlook on life quite different from ours today. This was partly due to the fact that the Protestants took the abuses which had crept into the Roman Catholic Church very seriously. Roman Catholicism leans heavily on tradition and the words of the church fathers; Lutheranism regards the Holy Scriptures as the only norm and rule of life. The ceremonies of the Church of Rome made its religion largely an external matter of form. Consequently many Protestants, notably the followers of Calvin and Zwingli, looked upon all ceremonialism with strong feelings of distrust. The Church of Rome had built gorgeous churches and cathedrals, in many cases virtually taking the clothes off people’s backs in order to do so. As a result, the early Protestants, including Martin Luther, looked with disdain on those wonderful edifices at which the world marve1s, and advocated the erection of more humble houses of worship. Certain Roman Catholic artists had produced works of art which were extravagant, superficial, and sentimental. Men like Albrecht Duerer, therefore, insisted on realistic simplicity coupled with warmth and depth. Roman Catholic music had become involved and unintelligible, so that worshipers were not able to understand and follow its texts when sung by choirs.[21] Luther therefore put music on the lips of all worshipers, and Lutheran composers, convinced that the text was the main thing, wrote simply and intelligibly, very often using a well-known chorale as cantus firmus in order that the people might hear a familiar strain in the choral music of the Church. In other words, the doctrine of the universal priesthood was at work and functioned among the followers of Martin Luther, Johann Walther, and others.

When Johann Walther began his career as a composer of church music, he approached his work soberly and wisely. The mere fact that the compositions which he wrote later in life were not radically different from the compositions which he wrote when less than thirty years of age may point to a rather stagnant condition, but it may also indicate an early stage of development and maturity which were well worth preserving and maintaining throughout life.

Most great composers[22] meliorated as they grew older; but we also know that Brahms, Grieg, Schubert, and others were just as good in their early days as in subsequent periods of their lives. Walther was not a great composer,[23] but he was a musician whose maturity manifested itself even at an early period of his life, and whose sense of judgment was highly developed early in his career.

One of the policies Walther adopted as early as the year 1524 and retained throughout his life was the policy of making his music so objective that the text would inevitably speak for itself without receiving any interpretative assistance from the music. This policy was not new; in fact, it is the policy which had been applied for centuries and is very conspicuous in Gregorian music. By following this principle, Walther kept out of his compositions an element which has found its way into music ever since the days of Orlando di Lasso. It is accepted quite universally today that not only the text should speak for the text, but that also the music should speak for (interpret) and help establish the same. Walther was not alone in his day in taking this attitude. His counterpart in Southern Germany, Sixt Dietrich, many of whose compositions Georg Rhau published in his famous collections of choir music, approached his task of composing sacred music with the same underlying philosophy. Ludwig Senfl, Benedict Ducis, Matthaeus Le Maistre, and others of that period likewise followed the same policy, though perhaps not as consistently as did Walther and Dietrich. One must bear this in mind if one wishes to understand the music of these composers. Their compositions present the Word of God. This Word is a power without the help of any human agency and hence needs no further interpretation. Bearing this in mind, they made no attempt to interpret the Word. Even in our own day the proponents of Gregorian music offer as one of their strongest arguments for the adoption of Gregorian music the fact that the music steps into the background, thus permitting the text to speak for itself. It is believed today that the music of Bach, Handel, Buxtehude, and other 18th century composers is not to be interpreted like the music of the Romantic composers of the 19th century, but is to be performed in a more straightforward and direct manner, devoid of the saccharine finesse which may well be applied while performing a nocturne by John Field. Archibald Davison says: "Sequences of any kind are questionable in sacred music, because they tend to rivet attention on the music. . . . In general it may be said that diminished and, to a less extent, augmented intervals should be avoided in church composition, because they figure so prominently in ‘expressive’ music. It is also true that such intervals, because they imply resolution, tend to focus attention on the course pursued by the melody, thereby making the musical interest paramount."[24]

Walther’s policy, therefore, is not an idiosyncrasy which stands alone in the history of church music. It is, however, a policy which contributed much toward relegating his compositions to oblivion. It is very doubtful whether Luther approved of Walther’s policy wholeheartedly. In fact, his fondness for the music of Josquin Després, also his silence concerning the compositions (not the musicianship) of Walther would incline one to believe that Luther approved more readily of a more interesting and more vital type of music. It will be recalled that when Luther called upon Walther in 1524 and asked him for his assistance, he asked him to help chiefly in the writing of liturgical music, which is not an interpretative but rather a recitative type of church music. For his Deutsche Messe, written at this time, Luther wrote the accentus, or the part of the officiating pastor; Walther wrote the concentus, i.e., the responses of the choir and congregation. It is interesting to note that Luther was not able to resist the temptation of interpreting while writing liturgical music (chants). This becomes apparent when we study his setting of the Words of Institution. In setting these words to music, Luther was not able to lean on a Gregorian setting, since in the Mass of the Roman Catholic Church the officiating clergyman whispers these words and does not chant them. In Luther’s setting the words bread and wine are treated alike; this was perhaps, done in order to emphasize that the distribution of the one was just as important as the distribution of the other. Luther opened the entire setting with high notes in order to call attention to what was being chanted. The words you in "for you" (fuer euch) and Me in "remembrance of Me" (zu meinem Gedaechtnis) are duly accented. Note also the emphasis put on the word is (ist) in "this is My body" (das ist mein Leib) and in "this cup is the New Testament in My blood" (dieser Kelch ist das Neue Testament in meinem Blut), accented for the purpose of testifying to the real presence of Christ in the sacramental elements. Hans Preuss remarks concerning Luther’s treatment of these words: "In this eucharistic music Luther’s artistry ascends to its greatest heights and shows how true piety can be artistically creative. Here resounds in human ears for the first time what has resounded throughout all later Lutheranism, namely, that deeply subjective, loving and happy eucharistic piety which rested on a purely objective foundation; through Bach this was finally brought to an expression so lofty and so high that it surpassed all human understanding. (Cf. the treatment of the Words of Institution in Bach’s Passion According to St. Matthew; the cantata Soul, Adorn Thyself with Gladness; the chorale prelude to this hymn; the cantata Wake, Awake.)[25] Luther, therefore, did not attempt to write even liturgical music in a purely objective manner, but made it a point to interpret. Walther would hardly have done that.

Walther adopted the custom of making the cantus firmus the pivot of his compositions. He was followed in this by many eminent composers of his own and of following generations. The term cantus firmus was used already in pre-Reformation days, where it invariably referred to Gregorian music. This name had been given to Gregorian music because it was the official music of the Roman Catholic Church, a type of music which stood firm and could not be replaced. Gregorian music was often coupled with polyphonic music. Since the various notes of the Gregorian music used in this way were of equal value and not of varying values, as in the counterpoint, the cantus firmus was often called cantus planus, from which we have plane chant, which spelling some prefer to plain chant. While Gregorian music is used as the cantus firmus in compositions written for the Roman Mass, the chorale, as has already been pointed out, is used as the cantus firmus in Lutheran church music. This type of music, whether choral or instrumental, might properly be called typical Lutheran church music, and distinguishes Lutheran music from all other types of church music. The custom of using a chorale as the cantus firmus was established in Lutheran circles by Johann Walther, and represents a very important point of contact between the father of Lutheran church music and such composers as Buxtehude, J. S. Bach, and, in fact, practically all Lutheran composers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries.

Walther adopted the prevailing custom of his day and assigned the cantus firmus to the tenors (name derived from "teneo"—to hold). In his Geistliche Lieder of 1524 we find only two instances in which Walther assigned the cantus firmus not to the tenors, but to the sopranos. In the edition published in 1551, however, the cantus firmus is transferred to the upper voice no less than fifteen times. This proves that Walther did not hesitate to change one of his policies when he realized that the change would effect an improvement. Yet, as a rule, composers of that period assigned the cantus firmus to the tenors. While the tenors sang the cantus firmus (chorale), the other voices sang a vowel sound, not words. To us this may seem rather primitive, though it is done in the performance of certain modern compositions of our day and is not very much different from the humming of certain parts in accompaniments while a solo voice sings the melody. Arnold Schering[26] and other noted musicologists of our day are of the opinion that only the cantus firmus of these compositions was sung; the other parts were played either at the organ or by various instrumentalists.

Luther evidently enjoyed the singing of compositions written after the manner of Johann Walther, as may be seen from the following words taken from the preface he wrote to Georg Rhau’s Symphoniae Iucundae atque adeo Breves Quattuor Vocum, ab Optimis Quibusque Musicis Compositae: "One marvels at God’s great and perfect wisdom when one listens to simple and genuine music which has been carefully arranged and artistically written. But even then we see God’s wisdom only in part in such music, for we cannot fathom His wisdom perfectly and entirely. When hearing music of this nature, we marvel that a simple melody, called the ‘tenor’ by the musicians, is sung, while three, four, or five other voices sing their own individual parts. They seem to dance and play around the tenor with much jubilation, yes, they seem to spring and dance like the spirits of heaven. Those, therefore, who understand such music even only a little, and are moved by it, often marvel at it and are of the opinion that there is no greater enjoyment for man in this world than hearing music which has been made ornate and beautiful by its many voice parts. Any person who has no desire and no love for such music, and who is not moved by the same, him must I call an uncouth blockhead, who deserves not lovely music, but rather the wild uproarious braying of asses or the whining and grunting of dogs and swine."[27] The following rather crude verse, published in the Stralsunder Tenor-Stimmheft of 1585, is rather interesting.

Walther’s chorale compositions may be divided into two distinct groups, one quite different from the other. As a type of the first group, Walther’s setting of "Nun komm, der Heiden Heiland" may be considered at this time. In this composition we note from the outset the independence of the outer voices. These open the composition with imitation, which, however, is not carried out far and consistently enough to establish any definite form. Walther often uses imitation thus at the beginning of his compositions. The cantus firmus, of course, is the pivot of the entire composition; everything is built around it. However, it is assigned to the altos and the tenors in the form of a two-voice canon. The purpose of this is, of course, to give to the cantus firmus more prominence and greater strength and character. After the cantus firmus has once made its entry, the outer voices progress with perfect freedom, making no attempt whatsoever to lend support to the cantus firmus. In the twenty-second measure a new procedure sets in: the cantus firmus becomes melismatic and the outer voices begin to imitate the cantus firmus. The contrast between the outer voices and the descant is lifted thereby and the voices thus begin to co-ordinate. This was not often done by Walther, but we see here the influence of such composers as Finck, Isaac, and Hofhaimer, all members of the Renaissance school of composers. We notice likewise the influence of the Netherland school, which insisted on such coordination and which also made frequent use of imitation in its compositions for the purpose of establishing unity. On the other hand, there is apparent also a foreshadowing of that particular type of counterpoint which was later developed by such German contrapuntists as J. S. Bach of the 18th century and Max Reger of the 19th and 20th centuries. The characteristic we refer to is that constant flow which we find, for example, in Bach’s large G minor and A minor fugues. We find in these no interruptions or breaks caused by cadences, cadenzas, or other elements frequently found in music. So also in these compositions of Walther. We find in them a dearth of rests, the outer voices seem to flow on indefinitely without halting, except at the very close, and the cantus firmus is melismatized for the purpose of adding to the continuity and flow of composition. Also the baritone seems to wander on aimlessly, a typical vagans or wanderer; the baritone thus avoids the danger of introducing elements of harmony which would, as a matter of course, interfere with the desired flow. The melismatic character of the cantus firmus often makes one forgetful of its existence. Only the most important notes of the cantus firmus are retained and the theme of the composition is thus lost to the average human ear, just as at times in some of the fugues of Bach.

Compositions of this type were written by Johann Walther already before 1524. About half of the compositions in his Geistliches Gesangbuechlein of 1524 are of this type, though in no more than four the cantus firmus is doubled and sung canonically, and in only two compositions do we find the cantus firmus in the upper voice. In eighteen compositions the chorale is presented in its simple original form, while in the remaining twenty-two chorale motets of the collection the chorale melody appears in a melismatically altered form.

The second type of chorale composition written by Johann Walter is quite different from the first. This type is exemplified in his arrangement of the chorale "Aus tiefer Noth." Here, too, Walther adopted a style which had been developed already by others, notably by Isaac, Stoltzer, Finck, and Hofhaimer. The cantus firmus is very plain and to the point, totally devoid of melismatic figuration or other ornamental effects. The tenors carry the cantus firmus and in the entire composition the cantus firmus is the pivot. In fact, one gains the impression that in this type of composition the cantus firmus draws the other voice parts to itself with centripetal force. The outer voices are not free and do not move about with perfect abandon; the entire composition is not only homophonic, but also homorhythmical. The compositions belonging to this group or type are much more simple and hence also more popular than the compositions belonging to the first group. Since the outer voices are directly under the influence of the cantus firmus, they naturally help support the cantus firmus. They have not the element of flow, and cadences occur regularly at the end of each phrase. The part sung as descant at times manifests melodic features which show the influence of the Renaissance composers, but on the whole one feels that all voices help support the tenors. This type of composition was developed also by Josquin Després and others, who, however, did not use a cantus firmus. Toward the end of the 15th century, music had become so involved in the simultaneous use of a number of texts set simultaneously to a complex type of counterpoint that the singers’ words were practically unintelligible. Certain composers reacted against this type of choral music and introduced a type which was quite homophonic and more simple. Men like Morales, Palestrina, and Vittoria made frequent use of this simple style, as may be seen in Vittoria’s setting of The Reproaches (Improperia) and in many of Palestrina’s compositions. In order to have variety in their compositions, composers like Palestrina[28] would often have a simple homophonic section follow the complex polyphony of another section. Walther does not resort to this practice, and it is rather difficult to determine to what extent he was influenced by such composers as Morales and Després if he was influenced by them at all.

Walther’s custom of assigning the cantus firmus to the tenors was followed quite generally until Lukas Osiander (1534–1604), a theologian, induced the Lutheran composers to assign the cantus firmus to the sopranos, as had been done by Goudimel and Bourgeois of the Reformed school. In 1586 Osiander published his 50 geistliche Lieder und Psalmen in Nuremburg. These were written in four-part harmony and arranged homorhythmically. Osiander said in the preface to his collection: "I know very well that composers usually assign the chorale to the tenors. However, when one does that, the chorale is not recognizable among the other voices; for the common man does not understand or know which hymn or psalm it is which is being sung and hence cannot sing along. For that reason I have assigned the chorale to the descanters, that it may be recognized, and that every layman may be able to sing along."[29]

Walther wrote a number of motets in which he used no cantus firmus, no chorale.[30] The styles used in these vary, though they are, on the whole, more homophonic than polyphonic. His motet Wach auf, wach auf is indeed so invigorating and refreshing that one forgets quite easily the archaic qualities of Walther’s style.

During the Reformation period two Passions were written which enjoyed great popularity in Germany for a period of over two hundred years. Both were written by Johann Walther; one was based on the account of Christ’s passion as recorded by the Evangelist St. Matthew, the other on that by St. John. Both are believed to have been written between the years 1525 and 1530, and some are of the opinion that Luther assisted Walther in writing them. In both the German language is employed throughout. Statistics show that a Czech translation of Walther’s Passion According to St. John was used in the city of Zittau as late as the year 1816. Walther’s St. Matthew Passion was used in the Thomaskirche in Leipzig until J. S. Bach replaced it with his own Passion According to St. Matthew in the year 1729. The change made by Bach almost caused a furore in Leipzig, not only because Bach’s Passion was radically different from Walther’s, which was a chant or recitative Passion, but also because the people were disinclined to change established customs, practices, and usages and adopt the oratorio Passion, which had been introduced by Johann Sebastiani in 1672, and which had not a few points in common with the operas of Monteverdi and others.

Walther’s Passions served as models for many Passions written after his day by Lutheran composers. Luther had always insisted that music and text must go hand in hand. He insisted that one should not use a German text with music that had been written specifically for a Latin text, even if the German text was a translation of the Latin. Walther bore this in mind when he wrote his Passions. He first considered his German texts, studied their structure, then set them to music. Walther used the Passion tone which had already been used by the Church long before his day, but modified it so that it could be adapted to his settings of the Passion. He did not use the Gospel tone, which had likewise been used before his day. When composing the music for the Passion account of a certain Evangelist, Walther retained the exact words of Scripture just as he found them in Luther’s German translation of the Bible; he did not borrow from other Evangelists or from other books of the Bible. Although later composers followed him in this practice, certain changes were introduced in Walther’s Passions by such editors as Stephani (1570), Keuchenthal (1573), Selnecker (1587), Ludecus (1589), and others. The changes introduced by these men were the addition of the exordium at the beginning of the Passion and the addition of the conclusio, or, as it was also called, the gratiarum actio ("the giving of thanks") at the close. The exordium consisted of the words: "Das Leiden unsres Herrn Jesu Christi, wie uns beschreibt" ("The Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, as it is recorded by—"). Sometimes composers would use the words: "Hoeret das Leiden—" ("Hear the suffering—") or "Erhebet eure Herzen zu Gott und hoere—" ("Lift up your voices unto God and hear—"). The concluding gratiarum actio consisted of the words: "Dank sei unsrem Herrn Jesu Christo, der uns erloeset hat durch sein Leiden von der Hoelle" ("We give thanks unto our Lord Jesus Christ, who through His suffering has redeemed us from hell"). The Passion account proper began with Matthew 26:1 and closed, usually, with the burial (Matth. 27:66), more rarely, however, with Jesus’ "yielding up the ghost" (Matth. 27:50). This form was used until the 18th century, although Passions of the 19th century are extant which used the older form. Jakob Meiland (c. 1570), Thomas Mancinus (c. 1610), Melchior Vulpius (1613), Otto S. Harnisch (1621), and Heinrich Grimm (1629) wrote Passions in which they followed quite strictly the patterns of Johann Walther; these composers omitted the exordium and the conclusio. When Selnecker’s Passions were presented in 1587, the chorale "Aus tiefer Noth"[31] was used to introduce his Passion According to St. Matthew on Palm Sunday, and the chorale "Nun freut euch, lieben Christen g’mein"[32] was used to introduce his Passion According to St. John on Good Friday. But these chorales were part of the liturgical service and not, as some have thought, part of the Passions. Through such customs, however, composers learned to include chorales in their Passions.

Walther upheld tradition and wrote his St. Matthew Passion for Palm Sunday and his St. John Passion for Good Friday. When used in the main service of the day, the presentation of the Passion would take the place of the reading of the Gospel. At times the Passion would be sung in a matin service, usually, however, in the vesper service, immediately before the sermon.

As far as is known, Walther wrote no instrumental music. He likewise seems to have written no secular music. When he composed, he composed for his church, and since the organ was not as yet a fully recognized and widely used church instrument, it evidently never occurred to him to write music for the queen of instruments. As has already been stated, it is doubtful whether Walther wrote any hymn tunes. However, Walther is credited with the authorship of about ten hymn texts, of which several are definitely known to be his. The best known of these are the two chorales "Der Braeut’gam wird bald rufen" ("Soon will the Bridegroom Summon") and "Herzlich tut mich erfreuen" ("My Inmost Heart Rejoiceth"). The latter was really a parody on the folk song. "Herzlich tut mich erfreuen die Liebe Sommerzeit."

Both Walther and Luther asserted themselves quite strongly and severely against the vulgar and obscene songs of their day. Since much folk music sung at that time was vile and obscene, not a few extremists went so far as to regard all music as unworthy and sinful, especially when arranged for several voices and made artistic. Luther’s words concerning this matter are well known. In his preface to Walther’s Geistliches Gesangbuechlein of 1524 Luther said: "I am not of the opinion that through the Gospel all arts should be destroyed, as some heretics maintain; but I desire to see all arts, especially music, in the service of Him who has given them."[33]

Luther and Walther combated bad music with good music. They took secular music and made it sacred, thereby creating a type of religious verse which the Germans call Kontrafakturen, i.e., contrafacted or parodied hymns. To us this seems like a rather strange procedure, especially when a secular song is converted into chorale for the season of Lent,[34] but in the days of the Reformation very little distinction was made between sacred and secular music, between church life and folk life. The distinction did not really develop until the Council of Trent passed its momentous decisions with regard to music, insisting that sharp distinctions be made between sacred and secular music. The Bohemian Brethren had followed the same practice which was later adopted by Luther and Walther. In a letter to Elector Frederick III, they explain their actions as follows: "Among our hymn tunes are some which were originally associated with secular texts. Strangers and outsiders are often offended at this. But our musicians have adopted these after much deliberation, believing that the common people would grasp the truth much more quickly when it is associated with familiar tunes; for this reason we ought not to find fault with their good intentions."[35]

Luther and Walther were actually almost forced to convert secular texts into sacred verse. There existed at that time a scarcity of hymns for the people and for the Church. The Roman Catholic Church had not concerned itself about giving the people an opportunity to sing hymns in the celebration of Mass, and the hymns which were available were few in number. Practically all of these hymns were written in Latin, and a large percentage was saturated with distinctively Roman Catholic doctrines. Although Luther translated and purged many such hymns, their number was relatively small when one takes into consideration the large number of hymns which must be at the disposal of a singing Church. Luther and Walther were thus fairly forced to recast folk songs and convert them into hymns. Luther insisted that the hymns of the Church be popular (volkstuemlich) and folk-song-like in character, so he did not hesitate to convert folk songs into church hymns. It is to be noted, however, that not only Luther and Walther, but also others who were interested in providing the Church with hymns, were very careful in selecting only such texts and tunes as would fit well into a religious service.[36] Luther thus popularized the singing of hymns among his followers to such an extent that the Lutheran Church became known as the Singing Church.

By using folk-song melodies with sacred texts, some of which were parodies, Luther and Walther sought not only to put wholesome music into the hands of the people, but aimed thereby also to combat vulgar and undesirable music. Had they attempted to do this with a more artistic type of music, of which they themselves were very fond, they would, likely, have failed. By giving the common people simple music which was good, they hoped not only to lead them away from what was cheap, offensive, and vulgar, but also to lead them to that higher and more artistic type of music which the common people were as yet not able to enjoy or comprehend. Consequently, also, when Walther wrote his motets, he kept in mind that the common people were to hear them. He therefore often made them as simple as possible, using a chorale as cantus firmus; he knew that such use of familiar tunes would catch the ears of the laity and thus teach them to appreciate and follow music which was more involved than a simple folk song. One must not disregard the fact that Luther and Walther had pedagogical minds. They sought to teach and thus reform. When one considers the abundant use Bach made of the chorale in his cantatas, Passions, and organ music, one cannot help but realize that he had the same purpose in mind. In this respect, as well as in others, Bach trod the path of Johann Walther, the father of Lutheran Church music. Walther laid the foundation; Bach completed the structure.

When we examine Walther’s music, we cannot help perceiving the distinctly religious flavor which he sought to put into it. To him religious music was important because it had a great message to proclaim and a sacred duty to perform. Luther at one time remarked that music is second in importance only because theology ranks first.[37] Walther went further and stated that music is a part of theology. In the preface to his Lobgedicht, Walther said: "Music, because of its character, and because of its own rich inheritance, belongs to sacred theology; yes, it is so entwined and so sealed up with theology that anyone who desires, studies, and learns theology, must also take up music with it, though he may not see, feel, or understand it. For that reason music is not an art which, as some believe, may be used only to entice carnal desires, pleasures, and frivolity, just as some people use all gifts of God for carnal and foolish purposes, but it is an art which has been given us for the purpose of praising and glorifying God’s grace and mercy, that through it the spirit may be made cheerful in God and also that through it man’s lazy and indolent flesh may be made happy and alert, ready and willing to praise and serve God."[38]

Walther’s music is rarely sung because times change and we change with them. However, men like Walther should not be forgotten because they spoke a dialect or language seldom heard today. Walther built a foundation which still stands and upon which much of the greatest music of the world still stands. To have built such a foundation means to have built substantially and well, and though time and change may have obscured the builder and the very foundation itself, the foundation still serves its great purpose and retains its momentous significance. Michael Praetorius expressed a signal fact when he referred to Johann Walther as "the most important and most interesting founder of Lutheran music in the churches of Germany."[39]

Cited References and Notes

1 Johann Crueger (1598–1662) was an exception to this rule. J. S. Bach, on the other hand, is hardly to be counted among the great composers of hymn tunes, though those ascribed to him are creditable and good.
2 Martin Luther, sein Leben and seine Schriften. Julius Koestlin. Verlag yon Alexander Duncker, Berlin, 1903, I, p. 10.
3 The chronicles of Kahla of the year 1575 report: "Es hat zu einer solchen Stadt eine ziemliche wohlbestellte Schule, daraus auch etliche gelehrte Leute kommen, als aus der alten der weltberuehmte Komponist Johann Walter." These chronicles are in the library of the University of Jena. Cf. p. 58, Von der Schule zu Kahla. Quoted by Wilibald Gurlitt, "Johannes Walter und die Musik der Reformationszeit," Luther Jahrbuch, Chr. Kaiser Verlag, Muenchen, 1933, p. 28.
4 One can hardly conceive of Luther disapproving of the use of melismatic chant by clergymen who possess the ability, the training, the voice, and the musicianship needed for the performance of florid music. Luther was a very sensible and practical person who took into serious account not only the ideals of the Church and the beauty of her arts, but also the limitations of the average
man. Luther has been unduly criticized by liturgical idealists who have permitted visionary idealism to supersede realistic sobriety.
5 For a more detailed discussion of Luther’s setting of the Verba, cf. p. 100; also Martin Luther der Kuenstler. Hans Preuss. C. Bertelsmann Verlag, Guetersloh, 1931, pp. 107 and 108.
6 Thanks to Michael Praetorius, Walther’s own report regarding this visit, its nature, aims, and accomplishments has been preserved for posterity. Cf. the Introductions to Leiturgodia Sionia Latina, Wolfenbuettel, 1612, and Syntagma Musicum, Wolfenbuettel, 1614, Vol. I, p. 449f.
7 The following words by Carlstadt show his attitude: "It would be better to give a small coin to a needy beggar than to give the noisy organists a thousand Gulden; for the house of God is not a house of clamor, but a house of love (non clamoris, sed amoris)." Cf. De Cantu Gregoriano Disputatio, pbl. by Hermann Barge, Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, Vol. I, Leipzig, 1905, p. 491ff.
8 "derselbige Walter auch zu wenig anderm Dienst geschickt." Quoted by Gurlitt, op. cit., p. 38.
9 An die Ratsherren aller Staedte deutschen Lands, dass sie christliche Schulen aufrichten und halten sollen.
10 Cf. St. Louis edition of Luther’s works, Vol. X, p. 478, 44.
11 Table Talks, Weimar edition, Vol. V, No. 6248.
12 Cf. Walther’s Lob und Preis der loeblichen Kunst Musica. Durch H. Johan Walter, der Cantorei zu Torgau Cantor. In Ducal Library of Gotha.
13 Cf. Encyclopaedie der evangelischen Kirchenmusik. S. Kuemmerle. Druck und Verlag C. Bertelsmann, Guetersloh, 1894, Vol. IV, p. 47.
14 Quoted by Gurlitt, op. cit., p. 47.
15 W. Sulzbach of Berlin, Germany, has published a short four-part motette based on the words: "Non moriar sed vivam" ("I shall not die, but live"), which was composed by Luther c. 1530. Edited by Albert Protz.
16 Briefwechsel Luthers. Enders und Kawerau, Leipzig, 1912, Vol. XIV, p. 322f.
17 Cf. Die Registraturen der Kirchenvisitationen im ehemals saechsischen Kurkreise, (Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen, Bd. 41), Karl Pallas, Halle, 1911, Teil 4, p. 19ff.
18 Cf. Die Evangelische Kirchenmusik. Friedr. Blume. Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft. Athenaion. Potsdam, 1931, pp. 74–75.
19 Minutes of the Torgau City Council. Quoted by Gurlitt, op. cit., p. 73.
20 Das christlich Kinderlied D. Martini Lutheri: Erhalt uns, Herr . . . mit etlichen schoenen christlichen Texten, lateinischen und deutschen Gesaengen gemehret.
21 E.g., the otherwise excellent music of Josquin Després.
22 E.g., Bach and Beethoven.
23 I.e., he is hardly in a class with Schuetz, Buxtehude, Bach, and other gigantic figures in the Lutheran music world. Arnold Schering remarks: "Walthers Leistung kann nur der unterschaetzen, der die Schwierigkeit eines ersten Unternehmens dieser Art verkennt und an seine Kompositionen den Massstab der spaeteren Vokalklassiker anlegt." Handbuch der Musikgeschichte, Guido Adler, chapter on Evangelische Kirchenmusik by Arnold Schering, Frankfurter Verlags-Anstalt, 1924, p. 389.
24 Protestant Church Music in America. Archibald Davison. E. C. Schirmer, Boston, 1933, p. 107 and 116.
25 Hans Preuss, op. cit., p. 108.
26 Schering, op. cit., p. 389. Cf. also the example in Schering’s Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen, Breitkopf & Haertel, Leipzig, 1931, No. 80, p. 76.
27 Weimar edition of Luther’s Works, Vol. 50, p. 364ff.
28 Cf. e.g., the Credo of the Marcellus Mass.
29 Cf. Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. by J. A. Fuller Maitland, Theo. Presser, Philadelphia, 1926, Vol. III, p. 571, "Osiander."
30 Matthew Lundquist has included one, "Arise, Arise, This Day Rejoice" (Wach auf, wach auf) in his collection Later Renaissance Motets, 1524–1580, Musica Sacra Series, Vol. I, pbl. by Hall & McCreary, Chicago, 1937, pp. 5–7. In this same collection may be found also Walther’s "O God, In Thy True Word," in which the cantus firmus is assigned to the tenors. This composition definitely belongs to the first class of chorale compositions, discussed on pp. 103, 104.
31 "From Depths of Woe I Cry to Thee," Lutheran Hymnal, Concordia Publishing House, St. Louis, 1941, No. 329.
32 "Dear Christians, One and All, Rejoice," Lutheran Hymnal, No. 387.
33 St. Louis edition of Luther’s Work, Vol. X, 1422ff. Erlangen ed., Vol. 56, p. 296f.
34 E.g., "Innsbruck, ich muss dich lassen" (Hassler) (lnnsbruck, I Must Betake Me) was converted into "O Welt, ich muss dich lassen" (O World, I Must Betake Me).
35 Cf. Blume, op. cit., p. 12.
36 Some may deny the truthfulness of this statement and point to the fact that the tune of "O Haupt voll Blut und Wunden" was at first associated with a passionate love song. However, scholars today are of the opinion that this love song was no longer used at the time its tune was adopted for church use. It did not, therefore, suggest an element which was extraneous to the spirit of worship, as is the case with the tune Finlandia in our own day.
37 "Post theologiam esse nullam artem, quae musicae possit aequari." Stated in letter addressed to Ludwig Senfl on October 4, 1530. Cf. Erlangen edition of Luther’s works, 8, 276ff.
38 Lob und Preis der loeblichen Kunst Musica. Durch. H. Johann Walther, der Cantorei zu Torgau Cantor. Tract in Ducal Library in Gotha. Quoted by Gurlitt, op. cit., p. 93.
39 "In Germaniae Ecclesiis gravissimus et suavissimus Lutheranae Citharae conditor." Syntagma Musicum, Wolfenbuettel, 1614. Vol. I, p. 15.

From The Musical Heritage of the Church, Volume III (Valparaiso, Ind.: Valparaiso University, 1946). Reprinted by permission of Valparaiso University.

For personal use only.